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Where is the problem with an ‘all-Ireland’ approach to the coronavirus -.
Cá bhfuil an fhadhb le cur chuige ‘uile-Éireann’ in aghaidh an choróinvíris –.
‘Covid-19 restrictions in Northern Ireland should be co-ordinated with Level 4 ones on the southern border.’ That was the judgment of the BMA (British Medical Association), the trade union of doctors in the public health service.
‘Ba cheart srianta covid 19 i dTuaisceart Éireann a bheith comhordaithe leis na cinn Leibhéal 4 cois teorann ó dheas.’ Ba é sin breithiúnas an BMA (British Medical Association), ceardchumann na ndochtúirí sa tseirbhís sláinte phoiblí.
The association’s spokesman, Dr Tom Black, did not go as far as abhus nationalist and republican politicians who demand a unified all-island approach.
Ní dheachaigh urlabhraí an chumainn, an Dr Tom Black, baileach chomh fada le polaiteoirí náisiúnacha agus poblachtacha abhus a éilíonn cur chuige aontaithe uile-oileáin.
An all-Ireland or all-island anti-pandemic campaign has been called for from the outset by public health expert Professor Gabriel Scally.
Tá feachtas frithphaindéime uile-Éireann nó uile-oileáin á éileamh ón tús ag an saineolaí sláinte poiblí, an tOllamh Gabriel Scally.
It was clear that the DUP did not accept such a policy although their leader, Arlene Foster, often said that North / South co – operation was fruitful.
Ba léir nach raibh aon ghlacadh ag an DUP lena leithéid de pholasaí cé gur dhúirt a gceannaire, Arlene Foster, go minic go raibh an comhoibriú Thuaidh/Theas bisiúil.
In response to a question about common policy or cross-border co-operation she recently said that it was important to have regular communication between the two jurisdictions.
Mar fhreagra ar cheist faoi chomhpholasaí nó comhoibriú trasteorann dúirt sí le gairid go raibh sé tábhachtach go mbeadh cumarsáid rialta idir an dá dhlínse.
She also said it was important for both sides to understand how the two approaches would sometimes differ.
Dúirt sí chomh maith go raibh sé tábhachtach go dtuigfeadh an dá thaobh conas mar a bheadh difríochtaí idir an dá chur chuige amanna.
It was no surprise then that Tánaiste Leo Varadkar said that Stormont would not accept a united all-island campaign against the crown virus.
Níorbh údar iontais é mar sin nuair a dúirt an Tánaiste, Leo Varadkar nach nglacfadh Stormont le feachtas aontaithe uile-oileáin in aghaidh an choróinvíris.
Some argue that this is an ideology.
Maíonn roinnt gur idé-eolaíocht faoi ndear an seasamh sin.
Have your choice – the DUP siege attitude in rejecting anything that has an all-Ireland flavor or Sinn Féin trying to use hardship to push their united campaign forward.
Bíodh do rogha féin agat – meon an léigir an DUP agus iad ag diúltú do rud ar bith a mbeadh blas uile- Éireann air nó Sinn Féin ag iarraidh leas a bhaint as cruachás chun a bhfeachtas aontaithe a bhrú chun cinn.
Both versions may have a taste of the truth.
Seans go bhfuil blas den fhírinne ar an dá leagan.
It stands to reason that the DUP is committed to Great Britain and that a united Ireland is the cornerstone of Sinn Féin’s prayer.
Luíonn sé le réasún gur leis an mBreatain Mhór atá luí ag an DUP agus gur Éire aontaithe an chloch is mó ar phaidrín Shinn Féin.
But the anti-Covid-19 pandemic policy is not so simple.
Ach níl an scéal chomh simplí sin i dtaca le beartais in aghaidh na paindéime covid 19.
It cannot be ruled out that Whitehall is the key to the purse on which Stormont relies.
Ní féidir a chur as an áireamh gur in Whitehall atá eochair an sparáin a bhfuil Stormont ag brath air.
The Executive does not have the capacity to spend large sums of money on comprehensive policies that would affect businesses, industry and workers if it does not receive funding from the UK exchequer.
Níl sé d’acmhainn ag an bhFeidhmeannas airgead mór a chaitheamh ar bheartais uileghabhálacha a bhuailfeadh gnóthaí, tionscail agus oibrithe mura bhfaigheann sé maoiniú ó státchiste na Ríochta Aontaithe.
That is the realpolitik.
Sin é an realpolitik.
There is already widespread concern that many businesses will not escape the constraints of the pandemic, an issue that is burning for all but a particular shake-up of the DUP.
Cheana féin tá imní go forleathan gur iomaí gnó nach dtiocfaidh slán ó shrianta na paindéime, ceist atá ag dó na geirbe ag gach dream ach a bhaineann croitheadh ar leith as an DUP.
In addition, the number of people drawing on food banks has increased significantly, a cause for concern for all parties.
Ina theannta sin tá méadú mór tagtha ar líon na ndaoine ata ag tarraingt ar bhainc bhia, cúis bhuartha do gach páirtí.
Stormont can make decisions about how to spend the budget given to him but the British government is the paymaster.
Tig le Stormont cinntí a dhéanamh faoi conas a chaithfear an buiséad a thugtar dó ach sé rialtas na Breataine an pámháistir.
Implementation must take place within that frame of reference.
Caithfear feidhmiú taobh istigh den bhfráma tagartha sin.
That is not to say that some people do not like all-Ireland policies because they are all-Ireland policies.
Ní hé sin le rá nach bhfuil col ag daoine áirithe le beartais uile-Éireann mar gur beartais uile-Éireann iad.
The view of one wing of the DUP was clear from a speech made by MP Gregory Campbell on BBC Radio Ulster.
Bhí an dearcadh a bhí ag eite amháin den DUP soiléir ó chaint a rinne an feisire Parlaiminte Gregory Campbell ar Raidió Uladh an BBC.
It would make sense to coordinate between areas that are constantly backwards and forwards, he said.
Bheadh ciall le comhordú idir ceantair a mbíonn siar is aniar eatarthu go seasta, a dúirt sé.
Strabane and Lifford, say, except Cork and Coleraine and the like.
An Srath Bán agus Leifear, abair, seachas Corcaigh agus Cúl Raithin agus a leithéidí.
The implementation of the same restrictions in congested neighborhoods on both sides of the border would be a logical local joint campaign, according to the east Derry MP.
Comhfheachtas logánta loighciúil a bheadh sna srianta céanna a chur i bhfeidhm i gcomharsanachtaí buailte le chéile ar dhá thaobh na teorann, dar leis an bhfeisire d’oirthear Dhoire.
‘But you know,’ he said, ‘would you call that all-Ireland co-operation?’ According to him, anyone calling for such all-island or all-Ireland co- ordination would be making the pandemic a political issue.
‘Ach tuige,’ ar sé, ‘an mbeifí ag glaoch comhoibriú uile- Éireann air sin?’ Dar leis go mbeadh ceist pholaitiúil á déanamh den phaindéim ag aon duine a ghlaofadh comhordú uile-oileáin nó uile- Éireann ar a leithéid.
A sensitive issue for the DUP no doubt.
Ceist íogair don DUP gan dabht.
But also a lease of hope that the label seemed to be the problem.
Ach léas dóchais freisin go mba chosúil gurb é an lipéad an fhadhb.
Isn’t it rare where you find lobster?
Nach fánach an áit a bhfaighfeá gliomach?
If the DUP ‘s firm view is the view expressed by MEP that the label is the main barrier to co – operation, it should not be an insurmountable problem.
Más é dearcadh daingean an DUP an tuairim a nocht an feisire Campbell gurb é an lipéad an príomhbhac ar chomhoibriú, níor cheart gur fadhb dhofhuascailte a bheadh inti.
Get another label or don’t bother with any label.
Faigh lipéad eile nó ná bac le lipéad ar bith.
Take the action.
Déan an gníomh.
Covid-19 rates are too alarming in the North, in border counties and across the island to be optimistic.
Tá na rátaí covid 19 ró-scanrúil sa Tuaisceart, i gcontaetha cois teorann agus ar fud an oileáin le go mbeifí ag útamáil.
The pressure on health services is intensifying and there are serious doubts about the effectiveness of the North / South contact search and in cross-border travel cases.
Tá an brú ar sheirbhísí sláinte ag treisiú agus amhras mór faoi éifeacht an chuardaigh teagmhálaithe Thuaidh/Theas agus i gcásanna a bhaineann le taisteal trasteorann.
These challenges could be tackled without standing on anyone’s feet.
D’fhéadfaí tabhairt faoi na dúshláin sin gan seasamh ar chosa aon duine.
The goal is to tame the pandemic north and south.
’Sé an sprioc an phaindéim a cheansú thuaidh agus theas.
With the help of
Le cabhair ó